Theoretical Framework
The deterioration of public health in Mexico City’s (CDMX) public spaces is closely associated with the poor walkability of its sidewalks. Years of physical deterioration, institutional neglect, and weak enforcement of pedestrian rights have transformed sidewalks into hazardous environments. Common problems include traffic collisions, falls caused by uneven pavement, environmental pollution, flooding, deteriorated trees, inadequate lighting, vehicles parked on sidewalks, inaccessible infrastructure, the absence of marked crosswalks, and a lack of pedestrian traffic signals. Together, these conditions create unsafe, uncomfortable, and unhealthy environments for pedestrians.
The perception of insecurity and discomfort is reinforced by fragmented and often contradictory interventions from public authorities, which continue to shape the health conditions of public space. As noted in the Global Status Report on Road Safety, pedestrians are among the most vulnerable road users, yet pedestrian infrastructure continues to receive insufficient attention in transport and public policy (WHO, 2009).
Public space has been conceptualized from multiple theoretical perspectives. Borja (2000) argues that the city is fundamentally constituted by its public spaces, where social conflicts over access, use, and rights become visible. Treviño and de la Rosa (2009) approach public space from a citizenship perspective, arguing that its openness and accessibility depend on citizens’ capacity to place their demands on the public agenda and influence government decision-making. In this sense, public space is where public policy is both produced and contested through processes of legitimacy and legality. Duhau and Giglia (2008) characterize the ideal public space as one that is open, accessible, and collectively shared—a place that belongs to no individual yet is available to all, where equality, coexistence, and mutual respect prevail.
Despite these important contributions, the literature has paid limited attention to the relationship between public space and Health Promotion. To address this gap, I propose the concept of Healthy Public Space as a theoretical framework that integrates urban planning, public health, and citizen participation.
Within this framework, pedestrians are recognized as the primary users of public space. Healthy public space is grounded in safe, accessible, and inclusive walkability, with sidewalks representing its most immediate and tangible expression. By bringing together the epistemological foundations of Health Promotion and theories of public space, this framework shifts the analytical focus toward the material and social production of pedestrian infrastructure as a key determinant of urban health.
In my position as a citizen who investigates and intervenes in public space, my specific research question is –what are the relationships between pedestrian mobility and values?. In order to answer it, I present two case studies:
The first case study, initiated in 2009, focuses on regenerating a 264-meter sidewalk that had deteriorated over more than four decades. The sidewalk is situated along a major arterial road within a dense, mixed-use urban corridor that plays a critical role in metropolitan mobility and the movement of people and goods[1]. The second case study, initiated in 2013, aims to create a safe and pleasant pedestrian route connecting a subway station and a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) station to two neighborhoods with a combined population of more than 23,000 residents.
Both case studies promote the development of healthy public spaces through citizen-led initiatives that advocate for high-quality public infrastructure while also addressing long-term governance challenges. These include public administration (Who is responsible for providing walkable sidewalks? What standards should they meet?); financial considerations (How much does it cost to regenerate a sidewalk? What are the costs of achieving walkability?); institutional capacity (How long does the process of implementing pedestrian-oriented public health interventions take? Which public institutions are responsible for planning, managing, and maintaining sidewalks?); and cultural dimensions (How do people interact with deteriorated public spaces, and how do they engage with newly regenerated, healthy public spaces?).
The overarching question is whether these challenges can be addressed simultaneously.
The findings from both case studies suggest that the answer lies in a collaborative model of governance in which pedestrians actively participate alongside public authorities. This authority–citizen partnership creates the conditions for both responsibilities and rights to converge in the collective production of healthy, walkable sidewalks in Mexico City.
I employed both qualitative and quantitative methods in the two case studies. To understand how government officials and community stakeholders perceive and conceptualize walkability and healthy public space, I adopted a participatory action research approach grounded in citizen engagement.
I conducted a comprehensive review of legislation, public policies, planning documents, and diagnostic assessments to identify the institutional responsibilities governing the relationship between pedestrians and public space. In addition, I systematized the intervention process by analyzing official documents, technical reports, and meeting minutes with government authorities to examine how responsibilities for the planning, implementation, and maintenance of healthy public spaces were distributed across institutions.
Beginning in 2009, I engaged with twelve government agencies and twenty-five public officials. By the end of that year, the study had identified the key public institutions responsible for the project: at the metropolitan level, the Public Space Authority (Autoridad del Espacio Público, AEP), and at the local level, the municipal government of Gustavo A. Madero Borough (GAM). I define the interactions and negotiations among these actors, facilitated through citizen participation, as citizen-led governance of healthy public space. (Further details: https://laciudadsaludable.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/aep-mejoramiento-entorno-escolar-sec-78-5.pdf)
Findings and discussion
Both case studies were conducted in Gustavo A. Madero (GAM), the second most populous borough in Mexico City, with approximately 1.2 million inhabitants.[2]. Both case studies revealed significant institutional and civic constraints to the production of healthy public spaces. Through sustained citizen engagement, I sought to create the institutional conditions necessary to advance healthy public space and walkability.
The first case study led AEP to issue in 2011, its first planning guideline for healthy school environments, see: Criterios para el ordenamiento de entornos escolares por la Autoridad del Espacio Público (2011) and provided the estimated budget required to regenerate the sidewalk. However, the local government GAM failed to submit the funding request, and this institutional omission became a barrier to improving pedestrian health and safety. The municipality lacked administrative procedures to respond effectively to proposals initiated by citizens or coordinated with other public agencies. Likewise, the AEP did not provide the institutional support necessary to ensure that GAM secured the required funding.
These findings suggest that poor coordination among public institutions can undermine the production of healthy public spaces and ultimately affect public health. More than two years were lost due to institutional uncertainty and administrative inaction, delaying urgently needed investment in pedestrian infrastructure. In 2011, I successfully secured funding through the Legislative Assembly of the Federal District (ALDF). GAM contracted the construction works in late 2012, and implementation began in early 2013. Nevertheless, the municipality failed to comply with the technical specifications established by the AEP, resulting in infrastructure that did not meet the intended standards for accessibility, safety, or walkability.
The second case study focused on creating a safe and pleasant pedestrian route connecting a subway station and a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) station with two surrounding neighborhoods. As part of this initiative, a citizen-led mobility event was organized around three complementary actions based on the Mobility Law[3]: (1) workshops on the newly enacted Mobility Law, emphasizing pedestrian rights; (2) the community painting of three zebra crossings at critical intersections; and (3) a participatory walkability audit of the proposed route.
Although the local government had initially authorized the event, municipal personnel interrupted the painting of the crosswalks[4] Police officers, who had originally been assigned to protect participants, withdrew their support following instructions from local authorities and warned that citizens could be arrested if they continued the activity.
The walkability audit assessed 2.8 kilometers of pedestrian infrastructure comprising 67 sidewalk segments. The assessment found that 42% of sidewalks were in poor physical condition, 55% lacked adequate lighting, none of the curb ramps met universal accessibility standards, pedestrian-scale lighting was absent, and existing lighting prioritized vehicular traffic rather than pedestrian safety. In response, residents proposed a comprehensive intervention including wider and level sidewalks, improved lighting, street trees and green infrastructure, safer pedestrian crossings, and traffic-calming measures.
These findings raise two central research questions: Can bottom-up initiatives effectively produce healthy public spaces? and What is the scope of citizen-led governance in promoting walkability within a context of institutional failure and local government interference in Mexico City?
Paradoxically, although sidewalks are designed to facilitate human mobility, institutional neglect has rendered them socially and physically inaccessible. The absence of clear governance procedures for producing healthy public spaces generates uncertainty, weakens institutional accountability, discourages citizen participation, and leads to inefficient use of public resources.
In response to these challenges, the first case study proposes transforming the intervention into the CDMX Healthy Sidewalk, integrating road safety improvements, universal accessibility, green infrastructure, a constructed wetland for stormwater treatment, and the principles of complete streets to strengthen pedestrian, cycling, and public transport connectivity. The second case study has also evolved institutionally, with the AEP assuming a leadership role and combining citizen advocacy with financial contributions derived from private real estate developments to advance the proposed interventions.
The implementation of these two projects demonstrates that citizen-led governance can reverse long-standing institutional omissions affecting pedestrians. More broadly, these experiences illustrate how sustained collaboration between citizens and public institutions can transform public space by fostering mutual accountability, shared responsibility, and collective action toward healthier, safer, and more walkable urban environments.
[1] See: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uiXh7G5U_fE
[2] Wards are administrative territories. CDMX is divided in 16 wards.
[3] Mobility Law was enacted on July 14, 2014 in CDMX, it is grounded as a right for users of the city and an obligation for the government, gives priority to pedestrians in public space
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